They were all worried about whether they would keep their positions after the election. The rest, however, knew better than to say anything. You cannot publicly demonstrate weakness, and you cannot ask Putin about your future. Not that he would give a straight answer anyway. Putin has always known what would happen to him after March 18; his re-election for a fourth term was a given.
But in the months building up to the elections, the Russian political elite was in a state of tremendous stress, waiting in horror for the day of the presidential election—not because they had doubts about the result, but because they were terrified of what would come next. Even following the attack on former military intelligence agent Sergei Skripal , the ministers were not particularly afraid of potential conflict with the West.
The fundamental changes to come were far more serious. But virtually nobody in the bureaucratic elite of Russia believes that Putin will step down in He is interested in everything and digs into every matter, paying attention to all the details. This is his lifestyle, this is who he is. From the moment of re-election, Putin will start devising a complicated scheme of ruling the country in the future. Perhaps that means finding a loophole in the constitution, or changing it, or building a new structure of the state.
The ruling bureaucracy understands this means an era of turbulence is coming. The question—as the outspoken minister put it—is what this means for the rest of us. Putin has changed considerably during his time in power. During his first term as president in —, he considered refusing to run for re-election. For them, Putin was the guarantor of omnipotence and they put tremendous pressure upon him at that time. During his second term, he started to think about his contribution to history and how he would be remembered. In , he yielded the presidential office to Dmitry Medvedev and became prime minister, exercising control from behind the scenes.
But the experience rankled him—he was particularly annoyed by how Medvedev reacted to the Arab Spring protests in Looking at what was happening with the weakened regime of Muammar Gaddafi, Putin believed that Russia should in no circumstances support the international operation against Libya, seeing it as part of a global conspiracy in which Russia would be the next target. But Medvedev backed the international operation in Libya, and declined to veto a U.
Security Council vote authorizing it. To Putin, this illustrated how nobody could be trusted to run the country except him. He would return to the Kremlin in He came to believe that he had been chosen for a special mission—to save Russia. This more than anything inspired the events of , when he decided to annex the Crimean peninsula in response to a revolution in Ukraine that he believed to be part of a global anti-Russia conspiracy. The Western world reacted with dismay, and the U. But for many Russians the annexation of Crimea signified that Russia, for the first time after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, was once again a real superpower.
Ever since, making Russia great again has become a new ideology for Putin. State propaganda started to spread the idea that Putin is the only one who can restore the greatness of Russia. This concept was articulated in the most detailed way in the build-up to the presidential election, in a documentary broadcast on the state-owned TV channel Rossiya 1.
Bring one to class. The bigger the country, the less need to import iron ore, oil, etc. The author frequently uses ideas, if not ideology itself, to account for a host of Soviet policies. These relations were not typically the result of a shared ideology, nor did Soviet foreign aid have a deep or abiding influence on the sociopolitical and economic structures of its recipients. The Mitrokhin material came to light in He marshals a wealth of evidence to show that throughout the Cold War, the Soviet economy was firmly embedded in the structures of the global economy.
In the most symbolic episode of the film, Putin says that there is almost no difference between the Orthodox Christianity and Communism, and that the Bolsheviks in fact reproduced the traditional dogmas that dominated the Russian Orthodox Church for centuries. Putin is preparing for a new era. In the past year, he has begun a process of clearing house.
He has fired a number of older governors and installed young and little-known bureaucrats in their place.
The most typical appointees of were the governors of Samara and Nizhny Novgorod. They are virtually indistinguishable, so much so that Russian media compare them to Agent Smith from The Matrix —the self-cloning agent of the all-powerful central computer. The president is slowly building a new generation of Russian bureaucrats in his own image.
The World Was Going Our Way: The KGB and the Battle for the the Third World - Newly The Mitrokhin Archive II: The KGB in the World Paperback $ Latin America Chapter 2 - Latin America: Introduction Chapter 3 - 'The Bridgehead'. .. By contrast, no account of American Cold War policy in the Third World omits Archive and the Secret History of the KGB (hereafter referred to as volume I). .. World Was Going Our Way' The Soviet Union, the Cold War and the Third.
Among them are Igor Sechin, chief executive of the Rosneft energy company and considered the leader of this group, and the governor of Saint Petersburg Georgy Poltavchenko. Gandhi's most trusted adviser.
One of her biographers, Katherine Frank, describes him as 'a magnetic figure1 who became 'probably the most influential and powerful person in the government' as well as 'the most important civil servant in the country'. His was the hand that guided Mrs. Gandhi through her turn to the left, the nationalization of the banks and the split in the Congress Party, It was Haksar also who was behind the transfer of control of the intelligence community to the Prime Minister's Secretariat.
Gandhi's policies sprang, however, from his socialist convictions rather than from manipulation by the KGB. But both he and Mrs. Gandhi 'were less fastidious than Nehru had been about interfering with the democratic system and structure of government to attain their ideological ends.
Gandhi won a landslide victory. With seventy seats more than the undivided Congress had won in , her Congress R had a two- thirds majority. Gandhi made its most vocal spokesman, the former Communist Mohan Kumaramangalam, Minister of Mines; one of his first acts was the nationalization of the coal industry.
heiflogtertee.tk Kumaramangalam seemed to be implementing a 'thesis' which he had first argued in that since the CPI could not win power by itself, as many of its members and sympathizers as possible should join the Congress, make common cause with 'progressive' Congressmen and compel the party leadership to implement socialist policies. In August Mrs. Kaul, it was one of the few closely guarded secret negotiations that India has ever conducted. On the Indian side, hardly half a dozen people were aware of it, including the Prime Minister and the Foreign Minister.
The media got no scent of it.
Gandhi's popularity among the Soviet people, he later claimed, was demonstrated by the large number of Soviet babies who were given the unusual name Indira. India was able to rely on Soviet arms supplies and diplomatic support in the conflict against Pakistan which was already in the offing.
According to Leonid Shebarshin, who was posted to New Delhi as head of Line PR political intelligence at a time when 'Soviet military Technology was flowing into India in an endless stream', the Centre- unlike many in the Foreign Ministry -concluded that war was inevitable. Looking out of the window, Shebarshin saw that the power cut affected the whole of the capital.
Leaving the embassy hurriedly, he drove to a phone box some way away to ring a member of the residency's agent network who confirmed that hostilities had started. It would fit an understatement to say that the general's mood was optimistic. He knew precisely when and how the war would end: on 16 December with the surrender of Dacca [later renamed Dhaka] and capitulation of the Pakistani army [in East Pakistan]. They were in no stare to resist and would not defend Dacca, because they had no one from whom to expect.
Despite diplomatic support from both the United States and China, Pakistan suffered a crushing defeat in the fourteen-day war with India. East Pakistan gained independence as Bangladesh, West Pakistan, reduced to a nation of only 55 million people, could no longer mount a credible challenge to India. For most Indians it was Mrs. The residency in New Delhi was rewarded by being upgraded to the status of 'main residency'.
Medyanik also had overall supervision of three other residencies, located in the Soviet consulates at Bombay, Calcutta and Madras, In the early s, the KGB presence in India became one of the largest in the world outside the Soviet bloc, Indira Gandhi placed no limit on the number of Soviet diplomats and trade officials, thus allowing the KGB and GRU as many cover positions as they wished- Nor, like many other states, did India object to admitting Soviet intelligence officers who had been expelled by less hospitable regimes.
In the newly founded Seventeenth Department was given charge of the Indian subcontinent. After a while neither side entrusted sensitive information to the Indians, realizing their enemy would know all about it the next day. The KGB, in Kalugin's view, was more successful than the CIA, partly because or its skill in exploiting the corruption which became endemic under Indira Gandhi's regime. People expected Indira Gandhi's party, committed to bringing socialism to the country, to be more honest and cleaner than the old undivided Congress, But this turned our to be a vain hope. On the contrary, compared with the amassing of wealth by some of her close associates, the misdeeds of the discarded Syndicate leaders once looked upon as godfathers of corrupt Congressmen, began to appear trivial.