Shleifer concluded that Yavlinsky''s prescription for Russia applied to any country in the world with the same conditions. In preparation for the Russian election cycle, SDI Research Associate Henry Hale traveled to Russia in the spring of , where he spent two and a half months conducting intensive field research on the process of political party formation in Russia, and teaching foreign policy at a Russian university. Based in St. Petersburg but traveling frequently to Moscow, Hale met with top party officials involved in the party-building process at the Russian federal level and visited three additional Russian regions Bashkortorstan, Perm, and Pskov to interview the local leaders of almost all major parties as well as political analysts and regional government officials.
As a result of his field research, meetings, and discussions, Hale concluded that Russian political leaders often know what they need to do to build strong political parties, but they are held back by a lack of resources, internal political concerns, and even strategic considerations. Since , SDI has worked directly with the leadership of the principal democratic, reformist parties on partybuilding at the local level through its Russian Political Party-Building Program, and has sought to maintain active relations with all major political movements in Russia regardless of ideology. To complement other programs that rely primarily on sending Western experts to Russia to address party building and campaigning issues, its Party-Building Program has emphasized bringing small groups of top Russian political party leaders to the United States to observe Western experiences firsthand, allowing them to meet American counterparts as equals and to reflect on their own experiences and needs from a distance.
With the assistance of a new grant from the Charles Stewart Mott Foundation, SDI was able to continue this venture in , beginning with a program for Russia''s leading liberal movement, Grigory Yavlinsky''s Yabloko Party. Based on SDI Director Graham Allison''s bilateral meetings with Yavlinsky, and Henry Hale''s consultations with Yabloko Party officials during his extended trip to Russia in the spring of , SDI tailored a program to address Yabloko''s needs in the field of training campaign pollsters.
On August , , the program brought three of Yabloko''s top pollsters to the United States for a series of meetings with high-level U. In addition to meetings at Harvard and in Washington, D. Analogous tailor-made programs were crafted for the Fatherland movement and General Alexander Lebed''s party for the fall of Moscow School of Political Studies. The Moscow School was established in to train young Russian politicians in democracy and international relations and to give them an opportunity to meet with international experts from the United States and Western Europe in these areas.
The Moscow School has become the leading political training school in Russia.
Each year it exposes a diverse group of young, talented leaders from the State Duma, Russia''s regional legislatures, the media, and business to concepts of democracy, civil society, and citizenship. Beasley''s discussion of the Macedonia camps challenged Russian and international participants in the seminar to look beyond the official debates about the crisis and reassess their countries'' policies.
Partnership with Russia," offering his views on the crisis in U. He took as his starting point an op-ed article on this topic that he published in the Boston Globe in April , "Could the U. At the July seminar, Barbara Barrett addressed "Technology and the Government: How to Utilize Technology and Aid the Governmental Process," reviewing and analyzing how the rapid development of technology is changing the face of governance internationally.
The other report is published by the U. S. State Department and is more " committed," but only as far as the national interest of the world's only su perpower is. Request PDF on ResearchGate | The World Geopolitics of Drugs, / | Acknowledgements. List of Maps. Foreword, A.A. Block. Introduction. Part One.
Barrett focused on Russian computer and Internet usage, the Y2K problem and Russia''s approach to this issue, the resources available to both governments and people through the Internet, and prospects for future development in Russia. In addition to their formal presentations, the American speakers interacted with participants throughout the two five-day conferences at Golitsyno, facilitating the growth of mutual understanding with the young Russian leaders and the repair of U. Occasional Seminars.
Dmitry Vasilyev, who gave a presentation in the Kennedy School''s Wiener Auditorium on October 14, , discussed the difficulties of maintaining and defending policies essential to the development of Russia''s capital markets in a time of increased uncertainty. He outlined his approach to solving the problems posed by Russia''s financial crisis, including the importance of exercising strong and determined leadership from above, a commitment to eliminating power blocs and ending political cronyism, and the need to create incentives for tax and budget reforms.
He also focused on the work of the Russian Federal Securities Commission and its efforts to ensure that investors'' rights are protected and that market operations are conducted in a fair and transparent manner. Vasilyev''s formal presentation was followed by a small group discussion led by SDI Director Graham Allison with Harvard faculty and Boston-based business executives on the issues facing the Russian banking system and the ways in which international organizations such as the IMF could play a more positive role.
Leonid Gozman, who visited the Belfer Center on May 20, , discussed the state of public opinion in Russia and noted that in the general crisis of Russian institutions, no institution and no political personality was really "popular. Gozman asserted that there were many hopeful signs about Russian public opinion, including a tendency to favor a Western-style development for Russia, a reluctance to limit freedom of speech, and the internalization of concepts such as elections and free speech as "Russian" as opposed to "Western.
He concluded that although almost all negative criticisms of Russia could be held to be true - poverty, crime, corruption— there have also been considerable achievements over the last decade, and reforms in Russia are now irreversible. Kelimbetov reviewed the causes of the crisis in Russia and discussed the interdependencies between the Russian economy and the economies of Central Asia.
The Ministry of Justice was adamant in emphasizing the connection with drug trafficking, a decision that limited the general scope of the law but was instrumental for its speedy approval by Congress. Thomas R. Waldmann, P. Akinsanya, D. Territorial disputes came to involve the mobilization of armed forces in the name of the nation and claims to territory that were an essential part of its mythic history and geography.
He commented on the effects of the devaluation on Central Asian currencies and the subsequent devaluation of Kazakstan''s currency, the Tenge; the harmful impact on Central Asian exports and multilateral trade; and the drop in the international credit ratings of regional states and subsequent problems of external debt and attracting foreign direct investment.
Kelimbetov argued that Central Asia''s successes in the s— achieving a degree of macroeconomic stabilization and structural reform— had been threatened, and in some cases reversed, as a result of the Russian crisis. He stressed the concerns of local governments about inevitable company bankruptcies and the resultant risks of unemployment and social upheaval. In conclusion, however, Kelimbetov offered an optimistic prognosis for the future, stressing that Kazakstan in particular was proceeding with its macroeconomic policies and privatization program. He asserted that there had been one major positive outcome from the crisis— the Kazak government had finally realized that Kazakstan would have to rely on itself for its own economic development.
Petersburg in establishing a more European orientation.
On the issue of human rights, Romankov described violations in police investigations, prisons, and the military through the routine practice of hazing new conscripts ; religious intolerance; and the persecution of peoples from the Caucasus region. He commented on domestic efforts to improve respect for human rights through the exertion of control over the executive branch, letters to government officials, media pressure, the activities of nongovernmental organizations such as the Soldiers'' Mothers'' Committee, Memorial, and Citizens Watch; and external efforts by organizations such as the European Union''s TaCIS Program.
Romankov stated that his main goal was to ensure that support of human rights in Russia took place at the local level, where individual initiative could be more effective. In his discussion of St. Petersburg he described tensions with Moscow, particularly over St. Petersburg''s search for integration with Europe at a time when Moscow and the rest of Russia had begun to look increasingly toward Asia.
In a follow-up meeting with SDI staff, Romankov offered his personal perspective on political party developments in St. Petersburg, relations between the Boldyrev bloc and other democratic movements in the city legislature, and the problem of corrupt elections at the municipal level. The participants offered presentations on the position of the Russian government on the crisis in the Balkans; Russian military views on Kosovo and the impact on Russian military relations with NATO; the opinions of Russian foreign policy analysts on Kosovo; and the reaction of Russian society and why the Russian public has perceived Kosovo as part of a successive humiliation of Russia by the United States and the West since the end of the Cold War.
In the course of the subsequent discussion, panelists and audience members examined the impact of the Kosovo crisis on Russia''s relations with the West, the role of international law in such crises, the Russian government''s position on war crimes in Kosovo, Russia''s potential role as a peacekeeper in the Balkans, and the possible effect of the crisis on the December Russian parliamentary elections.
Russian Election Watch Bulletin. The goal of SDI''s activity and research under its Sustaining Russian Democratization strand is to inform Western academics and policymakers about the specific challenges to Russian democracy and the importance and implications of the elections.
In the summer of , with the Russian election season under way, the project began to issue a monthly bulletin on the Russian elections edited by Research Associate Henry Hale, Russian Election Watch, which is the successor to an earlier SDI publication on the election cycle and will be continued into summer This bulletin includes concise and incisive information on the elections, SDI''s own analysis of the election campaigns; direct input from the major Russian political parties; commentary by leading Russian political experts; and the latest polling results on issues, parties, and individuals.
The second issue is planned for September Occasional Papers. This set of monographs resulted from an extension of the "Whither Russia? The Council on Foreign and Defense Policy CFDP is a nongovernmental public association of influential Russian politicians, public figures, government officials, scholars, business people, and members of the news media. The council promotes research on foreign and defense issues of concern to the Russian Federation and its citizens, and publishes a number of reports each year that are considered in Moscow political circles to be some of the most significant Russian pronouncements on foreign and security policy.
The goal of these conferences and meetings is to set a new agenda for cooperative international relations among Russia, the United States, and Europe on the eve of the 21st century. The first major international conference in the series convened on December , , on "Russia and the Outside World: A New Agenda for the 21st Century. The conference focused on the necessity for a fundamental renewal of Russia''s foreign policy agenda to meet the challenges and threats of the 21st century - including such new global concerns as international terrorism, drugs, crime, and corruption.
Both drug addiction and crime were identified in the course of the December conference as issues of critical importance to Russia''s foreign and security policy agenda. In addition to the "Whither Russia? During her time at Harvard, Jourek engaged in an extended research project on ethnic conflicts in postcommunist societies and their resolution and prevention in the context of international law. The occasional paper resulting from this research examines the controversial issues of minority rights and the right to self-determination of peoples, the nationalist movements in the former Soviet republics and their impact on ethnic issues, and national and international mechanisms for dealing with ethnic conflicts.
The paper makes a significant contribution to scholarly understanding of the nature of ethnic conflicts in postcommunist societies, and how they differ from intra- and interstate conflicts in the West. Its conclusions offer new approaches to tackling these kinds of conflicts at the national, regional, and international level. THE U. In , Russian Prime Minister Viktor Chernomyrdin identified the attraction of private-sector international direct and equity investment in Russia as the single largest challenge for the Russian economy in the decade ahead and approached Harvard''s SDI Project to host a U.
By January , the symposium had become the largest gathering of senior Russian and Western business and government leaders in the United States.
The Third Annual U. The symposium, under the chairmanship of SDI Director Graham Allison, provided an in-depth overview of the Russian economy and international investment in the wake of the Russian devaluation and default of August Despite the uncertain and crisis-stricken state of the Russian economy, more than people participated in an intense three days of discussions, lectures, and meetings on the opportunities for direct and portfolio investment. The symposium sessions reviewed the events of the past two years in Russia and developments since last year''s symposium also in January.
The Russian delegation included leaders from across the spectrum: high-level government officials such as Vladimir Kossov; business "oligarchs" such as Boris Berezovsky; business leaders such as Anatoly Kisilev of Khrunichev a joint-venture partner with Lockheed Martin for satellite launches ; and political figures such as Boris Nemtsov and Moscow Mayor Yuri Luzhkov.
Federation Council Budget Committee Chairman and Samara Oblast Governor Konstantin Titov, Moscow First Deputy Mayor Vladimir Resin, and others emphasized that despite the August financial crisis and subsequent difficulties, Russia was ready to receive investment and to cooperate on mutually beneficial joint projects. Technology played a saving role in this year''s symposium, as U. Kearney Vice President Martin Cannon all addressed the symposium by videobridge after their travel plans were foiled by a winter ice storm.
The storm reportedly also gave Russian Deputy Prime Minister Yuri Maslyukov and Stanley Fischer an opportunity for a lengthy, informal, private discussion at Washington''s Ronald Reagan National airport, during a failed joint attempt to reach Boston for the Symposium. In the opening sessions, Stanley Fischer, Lawrence Summers, and World Bank Chairman James Wolfensohn who gave his presentation in person reinforced one another''s presentations in communicating several key messages: Russia really matters; the U. Moscow Mayor Yuri Luzhkov made a special presentation via videolink live from Moscow, in which he focused on Moscow''s response to the crisis and the city''s emerging mortgage system.
At the closing dinner, Samara Governor Konstantin Titov struck a positive note by declaring that "Mr. Fischer and Mr.
http://kamishiro-hajime.info/voice/map3.php Wolfensohn have shown that Russia can rely on international institutions, but each person and each region must work hard for its own investment.